A Spark of Hope: The Fight for Public Education in Argentina

On 23 April 2024, thousands of protesters filled the streets of Buenos Aires and almost all capital cities of the 24 provinces of Argentina rallying to safeguard access to public universities amidst dire budget cuts carried out by the new government. Just days prior, at the University of Buenos Aires—Argentina's preeminent public institution renowned for its research-intensive, tuition-free education and its consistent presence among the world's top 100 universities—the Medical Faculty dimmed its hallways to conserve electricity, while the Faculty of Exact Sciences ominously marked the days with a stark countdown: ‘48 days remaining under this budget.’

These events surrounding public universities in Argentina transcend a mere protest. They symbolise the clash between two contrasting visions of the nation that have been at odds since the ascent of Javier Milei, a far-right leader, to the presidency in December 2023. While the current government disavows notions of social justice, vilifies the state as a 'criminal enterprise', and advocates for unprecedented cuts in public spending, a counterpoint emerges—one that rejects narrow market-oriented solutions and steadfastly upholds the collective aspiration of a welfare state.

During his presidential campaign, Javier Milei brandished a chainsaw, railed against the ‘old politics,’ and branded opponents as ‘the caste.’ Austerity measures, privatisations, prioritisation of the market over public services, and extreme individualism were the hallmarks that propelled him to power. However, this ‘new politics’ wasn't fundamentally different from what we've seen in the past: austerity and cultural warfare.

Taking the Chainsaw to Public Spending

To achieve a fiscal surplus, there was a 29% reduction in public spending in the first two months of 2024, accompanied by significant austerity measures affecting sensitive areas such as the Ministry of Health and the National Social Security Administration (ANSES). Moreover, there were extreme cuts in allocations that, in economic terms, are not significant in deficit reduction. Specifically, in programmes related to access to medications for HIV patients or reductions in the Conectar Igualdad programme, which promoted access to electronic devices and the internet for school-age individuals. Programmes that, far from representing a significant expense, convey a clear message about the type of state that many Argentinians aspire to build: one that takes responsibility for the health of its citizens and promotes redistributive policies to ensure everyone has the same opportunities. Moreover, in his first two months in office, Milei's policies, including budget cuts and currency depreciation, shattered the purchasing power of the middle class, plunging retirees into poverty. By March 2024, the poverty rate had reached 57.4%.

This new wave of austerity policies, reminiscent of those observed in the last decade in other countries in South and North America, under leaders like Bolsonaro in Brazil or during the Trump administration in the United States, is accompanied by a resurgence of conservative values. Far-right figures like Milei aren't merely dismantling welfare states; they're also engaging in a profound cultural struggle as a central strategy to overcome opposition. To them, the world is sharply divided between winners and losers, heroes and villains, based on their criteria for deserving opportunities and political representation. Austrian political scientist Natascha Strobl succinctly characterises this neoliberal worldview as a stark dichotomy between workers (often synonymous with entrepreneurs or businessmen) and those labelled as lazy, framing all adversaries within a conspiratorial narrative.

These austerity measures and social conservatism exemplify what Strobl calls the ‘scandal industry,’ a pattern of budget reductions followed by conservative controversies, subsequent cuts, and so forth. This strategy aims to perpetuate crises by generating new scandals and distractions. With the assistance of post-truth rhetoric, the dissemination of fake news, and the propagation of conspiracy theories, an unprecedented level of anxiety is cultivated, effectively constructing a parallel reality. Milei's government relies on constant provocation of opposition sectors, both political and social, to maintain societal agitation and stress. In times when it appears that everything is unravelling or creating numerous fronts of struggle, individuals often find themselves confronting nothing concrete, and when we need to be mobilised the most, society seems to be paralysed.

It Seemed Like We Were Asleep, but We Weren't

Faced with this apparent society anesthetised by announcements to the detriment of its social rights, something managed to awaken it: the possibility of losing the right to free, universal, and public university education.

In Argentina, the concept of tuition-free university education was established over 70 years ago, marking public universities as a cornerstone of fundamental human rights. These institutions embody a societal consensus, representing a collective value deeply rooted in principles of social justice and upward mobility. Beyond their academic prestige, public universities are also intricately connected to the notion of meritocracy, often juxtaposed against collective ideals. This generates a compelling discourse and fosters a profound sense of unity and identity within society.

Perhaps since always, but certainly since the recovery of democracy in Argentina in 1983, universities have experienced moments of crisis. Waves of adjustment, transformations in the governing law, attempts at fee charging, and budgetary suffocation. But never since then has it been harassed like now. The income allocated to public universities is the lowest on record since 1997. A report released by ACIJ (2024) indicates that the budget allocated this year for the Higher Education Development Program is 72% lower than in 2023 due to the change in government policy. In addition to financially suffocating them, practically condemning them to closure, the president took it upon himself to trivialise the university, accusing it of exercising monological and uncritical education.

On 23 April 2024, more than a million people took to the streets to protest the budget cuts in public universities. Interestingly, the protesters were mainly young people, the same age group that had supported Milei during his presidential campaign when Milei secured 70% of the support among those under 24 years old. This youth, which a few months ago made us lose hope, once again ignited a spark of faith in those who desire a country where no one is left behind. They managed to set limits to the delusions of a disconnected ruler, marking (hopefully) a turning point in Milei's presidency.

What Is Next for Public Education in Argentina?

After the demonstrations and several days of negotiations, the government agreed to increase the budget for national universities so they can cover only their operational expenses.However, there is still a long way to go. It is now up to the National Congress to decide the future of the education budget. Various non-official groups have signed favourable reports supporting initiatives that declare a budgetary emergency for higher education and establish parameters for the automatic updating of allocations for national public universities in Argentina.

In the midst of this, there are two tensions: the hope that the government will manage to reach an agreement with the universities without needing to be pressured by Congress, and the reality of a president who, shortly after returning from an event with the far-right VOX party in Spain, declared that he will veto any laws that want to ‘break the bank.’

Regardless of how it's resolved, one thing became clear during the public education protests: sometimes the ‘old strategies’ are effective against ‘new politics.’ Taking to the streets to defend our rights, works.

The views expressed in this post are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the position of the Atlantic Fellows for Social and Economic Equity programme, the International Inequalities Institute, or the London School of Economics and Political Science.